Final 1

 11) “Your face bears the marks of one who will revolt!” (H1.404t)

Why did Liu Pi, the Emperor Gaozu’s own nephew, a valiant battlefield commander at 20, and the former marquis of Pei, the emperor’s hometown (H1.403m), presumably a staunch Liu family loyalist, revolt against Emperor Jing, the rightful claimant to the Liu imperial throne?

A flippant but half-serious answer is because his uncle and mentor, the Emperor Gaozu, told him he would (404t), based on his bearing and face in his youth, thus planting a crazy idea that took root in Liu Pi’s mind over time, taunting him in his heart with the possibility of doing exactly that, and shaping the curve of his character over the course of his lifetime. Possibility became character became inevitability.

A heartbreaking and gravely serious answer is because Emperor Jing, as an “overbearing” youthful heir apparent, killed Liu Pi’s son, the crown prince of Wu, in a dispute over chess. (404b) This tragedy was compounded when the court sent the body of the prince to his father in Wu instead of honoring him with burial in the imperial family plot in the capital. Tragedy and insult festered into disregard for etiquette and alienation and bloomed into plotting “with greater urgency.” (405t)

King Wen smoothed over Liu Pi’s unhappiness and estrangement by pretending old age and infirmity drove Liu Pi’s increasingly poor behavior. He gave him an armrest and cane, symbolizing his freedom from obligations to visit the court. Liu Pi “bit by bit relaxed his plans for drastic action.” (405m) I believe this amicable response won for Emperor Wen peace in his lifetime as Liu Pi turned to ruling his own realm, wisely and well, and focusing on economic development with his copper and salt (405b).

However, when Chao Cuo came to power (406t), he chafed against Liu Pi’s disrespectful ways. His ideas for punishing Liu Pi gained no traction until Emperor Jing came to the throne. Chao Cuo’s drive to limit the power of the feudal lords provoked unhappiness (406b-409), winning Liu Pi allies among his peers. Liu Pi’s ancient anger against Jing, who had killed his son, found casus belli in Chao Cuo’s actions, and he wrote at last his call to arms (410m-412). Long-banked embers of vengeance burst into flames of revolt.

12) “If I wish to set forth my theoretical judgments…” (SC 130/67 p6t)

How does Sima Qian’s literary style support what he seeks to accomplish in his Records?

 In our exploration of perhaps half of his Records we have seen patterns emerge in how he presents characters and events (his literary style). His biographies are brilliant, brief, vivid sketches, often showing a youthful moment that foreshadows the deeds of the adult. Think of Xiang Yu’s “What I want to learn is the art of attacking 10,000 enemies!” (H1.17m) —a goal he surely achieved. Events are shown from multiple points of view, as in the same battles or situations seen from the vantage point of leaders on each side: Xiang Yu vs. Gaozu (e.g. H1.41m-42m vs 72m-73), the adventures of Empress Lü through various ministers and emperors contemporary with her, along with her own story (H1.267-284). Sima Qian offers summaries at the end of most annals and biographies, placing a lens of judgment or perspective on the characters and detailed events. What I admire most of all from a literary perspective is how he brings alive critical scenes with dialogue, imagery, and action, like any modern novel. A particularly moving example would be the final moments and aftermath of Tian Heng (H1.201-202).

Sima Qian’s opus is ultimately an intensely personal creative literary work, creating living characters, vivid scenes, critical judgments, and coherent narratives atop dry facts and recorded events, as discussed above. His artistic intent was vast, as he attempted to “succeed to the enlightened ages (!?sages?!) of the past,” (SC130/62 p5m), “set right the transmission…,” “continue the Spring and Autumn Annals,” “search into the world of the Odes and Documents…” (SC130/63 p5m). He mentions the example of Confucius, who “made a critical judgment of the rights and wrongs…. to provide a standard of rules and ceremonies…” (SC130/51 p5b) and followed and expanded upon his example by using concrete events to illustrate theoretical judgments (SC130/67 p6t), making his work not merely historical, nor only literary, but also philosophical, as he shares his judgments on good and poor rulers and ministers. His layered approach (multiple viewpoints, concrete and vividly realized events, summarized judgments) invites his readers to weigh for themselves the complexity and nuance of the characters, events, and judgments he offers.