Day 11

On the middle of page 286, Song Chang acknowledges the common people as he attempts to convince the king of Dai to accept the summons of the great ministers. Song Chang asserts, "Now, although the great ministers might hope to revolt against the Liu family, the common people would never support them" (H1 286B). This passage represents one of the few occasions in Record of the Grand Historian where an individual invokes the authority of the common people in relation to political power. Is Song Chang's assertion merely a false appeal, or is Sima Qian commenting on a meaningful transformation regarding the power of the common people during Han rule? Here, Song Chang, a military commander, seems to acknowledge a subtle power the common people possess in relation to the ministers and the feudal lords. This is not to suggest that the common people have a meaningful say in who the emperor will be; instead, Song Chang's words suggest that those in power are somewhat beholden to the concerns of the common people. Sima Qian has made passing reference to the concerns of common people before in his text, most notably in relation to the "black-headed people" during the reign of the first emperor of Qin (Q 54B, 79M) and in relation to Emperor Gaozu's simplified legal code (H1 62M). In both instances, the common people are framed as children needing protection, and the emperor's actions are reducible to tyrannical paternalism.

Sima Qian's framing of the common people in Shi Ji 10: The Basic Annals of Emperor Wen The Filial appears to be slightly different. At the bottom of page 288, while pressing the king of Dai to ascend the throne, Chin Ping acknowledges the common people. Chen Ping notes, "We have humbly deliberated up the matter…Though the nobles and common people of the empire consider this opinion just, we have not come to our decision lightly" (H1 288B). Twice in three pages, individuals acknowledge the common people while attempting to convince the king of Dai to become the Son of Heaven. One of Emperor Wen's first acts was to pass a decree revoking harsh punishment for certain crimes to protect the common people from unjust punishment. Many officials reject the emperor, asserting, "The people are incapable of governing themselves…joint punishment is intended to trouble the hearts of the people" (H1 290B).

Here, officials frame the common people as unable to govern themselves. Thus, now that the emperor is in power, there is no need to acknowledge the common people. However, Emperor Wen defends the people, stating:

It is my understanding that if the laws are just, the people will be obedient, and if the punishments are meet, the people will comply. Moreover, it is the duty of the officials to shepherd the people and lead them into good. (H1 291T)

Emperor Wen's assessment of the state's obligations to the common people posits the possibility of a new political dynamic emerging during the early years of the Han Dynasty.

 


 Day 12

At the bottom of page 357, Shi Ji 121: The Confucian Scholars, Sima Qian notes that throughout the reigns of Emperor Wen and his son Emperor Jin, scholars from various schools of thought (Taoism, Legalism, Confucianism) were employed to serve at court. Sima Qian notes, "Thus, various scholars were appointed to fill the posts of court erudite and to answer questions, but they had no prospects of advancement" (357B). Nevertheless, during the reign of Emperor Jin's son, Emperor Wu, Confucian scholars came to dominate the court of Emperor Wu and, by extension, the Han government. What I find somewhat perplexing is how a dynasty that started with a rather eclectic philosophical outlook came to be dominated by Confucian thinking. Given that the emperor not only selects his successor but also appoints their tutors/retainers, I would have assumed that there would be some meaningful continuity of philosophical outlook passed on from father (emperor) to son (successor), thereby assuring that the previous emperor's philosophical worldview and approach to governance would survive his passing. In Shi Ji 9, during the ascension of Emperor Wen, Sima Qian notes that Emperor Wen is a "kind and generous man…his reputation of kindness and filial obedience, which is known throughout the empire, will be of great advantage" (283B). One would assume that Emperor Wen’s reputation was a byproduct of his philosophical worldview. Given that the reign of Emperor Wen was a time of moderate peace for the empire and that Emperor Wen was a virtuous leader, I would have thought that he would have selected an heir that meaningfully reflected his soft Legalist approach to governance, and the influence of wife’s Taoist leanings. However, Emperor Jin does not appear to rule in the same manner as his father. Moreover, given that Emperor Jin's mother, Empress Dowager Dou, was such an ardent follower of Lao Zi and Taoist thinking, I would have assumed that Emperor Jin's approach to governance would have been somewhat influenced by Taoist thinking. Instead, Emperor Wen appointed Chao Cuo, an individual somewhat aligned with Legalist and Confucian thinking, as a retainer to the heir apparent. (462B H1) Chao Cuo went on to play a significant role in Emperor Jin's government. Thus, Emperor Jin seemed to have inherent very little of his father's Legalistic approach to governing and none of his mother's Taoist approach to living. As I read Shi Ji 121: The Confucian Scholars, I repeatedly asked myself: Why did Sima Qian hold off describing Emperor Wen and Emperor Jin's philosophical outlooks until Shi Ji 121 and not address this seemingly important issue in the chapters covering their lives? I have come to two possible conclusions regarding this question: (1) Their philosophical worldviews were unclear, overly fragmented, and eclectic—and thus, it is rather tricky to meaningfully assess how a given philosophical school of thought shaped their reign. (2) At this period in Chinese history, a ruler's given philosophical worldview (Taoism et al.) played little to no role in shaping their reign. I tend to lean towards the first possibility. Nevertheless, in Shi Ji 121: The Confucian Scholars, Sima Qian makes it abundantly clear that during the reign of Emperor Wu, Confucianism moved to the forefront of Han society and profoundly influenced political thinking during this period of Han rule.

 

Comments

Post a Comment

Popular posts from this blog

Final 1

    1. What caused the feudal lords to believe that the Lord of the West received the mandate? (58mb) After the Lord of the West was released by Chow, he continued secretly carrying out good deeds (58mt). Since he was imprisoned by Chow, in the first place, because the latter believed his accumulating virtue to be a threat (57b-58t), his discretion made sense. But regardless, the feudal lords took notice and came to him for unbiased insights (58mt). When the Yu and Jui journeyed to Chou for help, they gained insight regarding their legal dispute without even needing to see the Lord of the West (58m). As they witnessed the farmers yielding on the boundary path, the people yielding to their elders, they felt something: ashamed (58m). The issue they were coming forth with was itself considered shameful by the Chou people, and as they had no interest in humiliating themselves, they turned back (58mb). This shame they felt led them to their solution: they followed the example of t...
Read more

Week 7

Tuesday, 10/10  In re-reading The Five Emperors this week, I was struck by the closing remarks, where Sima Qian describes the uncertainty surrounding the history of The Huang-Ti, stating that other scholars’ “words are not appropriate” and that “even civil officials or old masters would have trouble explaining” the history of The Huang-Ti (N17 2nd p.). His resulting account includes the “words which are the most appropriate” (N17 2nd p,b). What might Sima Qian mean by “appropriate”?  Perhaps an “appropriate” account is one that emphasizes virtue. Sima Qian’s account of The Five Emperors provides clear examples of the actions and characteristics of virtuous rulers. Sima Qian also remarks that his intent is that The Five Emperors be the first chapter of his “basic annals” (N17b). By making virtue the starting point, Sima Qian is showing us that virtuous government is in our nature, we only need to retrieve the virtuous nature shown in The Five Emperors. Sima Qian’s virtuous begi...
Read more

Conclusion

Nienhauser: Why can’t King Wu sleep? King Wu can’t sleep (63m) because he hasn’t “secured Heaven’s protection.” (63mb) At least according to Sima, it seems that he has done nothing but good works to the benefit of many. There is a hint on 62m that the area had been “pacified and the situation was not yet settled,” and so he sets to settling. He “cleared the roads and repaired…altars”, (62t) had his RectifierScribe read Chow’s crimes to Heaven (62mt), and claims he has been charged to, among other things, “receive the great mandate of heaven”. (62m) There are many more things he does on 62b-63t: He feeds the poor, honors the dead, makes records on behalf of the government, and rewarded the meritorious. These deeds are not enough, as nearing his own death, Sima relates that “the world was not yet settled.” (64m) Yin had failed as “heaven didn’t enjoy the Yin offerings” (63m): this left them vulnerable and led to King Wu’s “success.” (ibid.) Is Heaven hard to please, or is Wu missing so...
Read more